AP European History Practice Test 17

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Question 11 questions

Time 11 minutes

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Questions 1-3 refer to the following information.

Florence is more beautiful and five hundred forty years older than your Venice. … We have round about us thirty thousand estates, owned by nobleman and merchants, citizens and craftsman, yielding us yearly bread and meat, wine and oil, vegetables and cheese, hay and wood, to the value of nine thousand ducats in cash. … We have two trades greater than any four of yours in Venice put together—the trades wool and silk. … Our beautiful Florence contains within the city … two hundred seventy shops belonging to the wool merchant's guild, from whence their wares are sent to Rome and the Marches, Naples and Sicily, Constantinople … and the whole of Turkey. It contains also eighty-three rich and splendid warehouses of the silk merchant's guild.

Benedetto Dei, "Letter to a Venetian," 1472

1. From the passage, one may argue that wealth in Renaissance Italy was measured in

2. From the passage, one may infer that the economy of Renaissance Florence was primarily based on

3. The passage may be used as evidence for the existence of which of the following Renaissance cultural characteristics?

Questions 4-6 refer to the following information.

First we must remark that the cosmos is spherical in form, partly because this form being a perfect whole requiring no joints, is the most complete of all, partly because it makes the most capacious form, which is best suited to contain and preserve everything; or again because all the constituent parts of the universe, that is the sun, moon and the planets appear in this form; or because everything strives to attain this form, as appears in the case of drops of water and other fluid bodies if they attempt to define themselves. So no one will doubt that this form belongs to the heavenly bodies. …

That the earth is also spherical is therefore beyond question, because it presses from all sides upon its center. Although by reason of the elevations of the mountains and the depressions of the valleys a perfect circle cannot be understood, yet this does not affect the general spherical nature of the earth. …

As it has been already shown that the earth has the form of a sphere, we must consider whether a movement also coincides with this form, and what place the earth holds in the universe. … The great majority of authors of course agree that the earth stands still in the center of the universe, and consider it inconceivable and ridiculous to suppose the opposite. But if the matter is carefully weighed, it will be seen that the question is not yet settled and therefore by no means to be regarded lightly. Every change of place which is observed is due, namely, to a movement of the observed object or of the observer, or to movements of both. … Now it is from the earth that the revolution of the heavens is observed and it is produced for our eyes. Therefore if the earth undergoes no movement this movement must take place in everything outside of the earth, but in the opposite direction than if everything on the earth moved, and of this kind is the daily revolution. So this appears to affect the whole universe, that is, everything outside the earth with the single exception of the earth itself. If, however, one should admit that this movement was not peculiar to the heavens, but that the earth revolved from west to east, and if this was carefully considered in regard to the apparent rising and setting of the sun, the moon and the stars, it would be discovered that this was the real situation."

Nicolas Copernicus, The Revolutions of the Heavenly Bodies, 1543

4. The passage may be used as evidence that Copernicus differed from the traditional, Aristotelian natural philosophers of his day because he suggested that

5. From the passage, one may say that Copernicus's argument for a spherical cosmos was based on

6. From the passage, one could argue that Copernicus was working in

Questions 7-8 refer to the following information.

About the year 1645, while I lived in London … I had the opportunity of being acquainted with diverse worthy persons, inquisitive into natural philosophy, and other parts of human learning; and particularly of what has been called the "New Philosophy" or "Experimental Philosophy." We did by agreements … meet weekly in London on a certain day, to treat and discourse of such affairs. … Our business was (precluding matters of theology and state affairs), to discourse and consider of Philosophical Enquiries, and such as related thereunto: as physic, anatomy, geometry, astronomy, navigation, statics, magnetics, chemics, mechanics, and natural experiments; with the state of these studies, as then cultivated at home and abroad. We then discoursed of the circulation of the blood, the valves in the veins, the venae lactae, the lymphatic vessels, the Copernican hypothesis, the nature of comets and new stars, the satellites of Jupiter, the oval shape (as it then appeared) of Saturn, the spots in the sun, and its turning on its own axis, the inequalities and selenography of the moon, the several phases of Venus and Mercury, the improvement of telescopes, and grinding of glasses for that purpose, the weight of air, the possibility, or impossibility of vacuities, and nature's abhorrence thereof, the Torricellian experiment in quicksilver, the descent of heavy bodies, and the degrees of acceleration therein; and divers other things of like nature. Some of which were then but new discoveries, and others not so generally known and embraced, as now they are. …

We barred all discourses of divinity, of state affairs, and of news, other than what concerned our business of Philosophy. These meetings we removed soon after to the Bull Head in Cheapside, and in term-time to Gresham College, where we met weekly at Mr. Foster's lecture (then Astronomy Professor there), and, after the lecture ended, repaired, sometimes to Mr. Foster's lodgings, sometimes to some other place not far distant, where we continued such enquiries, and our numbers increased.

Dr. John Wallis, Account of Some Passages of his Life, 1700

7. The passage may be used as evidence for the development of

8. From the passage, one may infer that the main interest of Wallis's group was

Questions 9-11 refer to the following information.

[T]he the end and measure of this power, when in every man's hands in the state of nature, being the preservation of all of his society, that is, all mankind in general, it can have no other end or measure, when in the hands of the magistrate, but to preserve the members of that society in their lives, liberties, and possessions, and so cannot be an absolute, arbitrary power over their lives and fortunes, which are as much as possible to be preserved, but a power to make law, and annex such penalties to them, as may tend to the preservation of the whole by cutting off those parts, and those only, which are so corrupt that they threaten the sound and healthy, without which no severity is lawful. And this power has its original only from compact, and agreement, and the mutual consent of those who make up the community. …

Whensoever, therefore, the legislative shall transgress this fundamental rule of society; and either by ambition, fear, folly or corruption, endeavor to grasp themselves, or put into the hands of any other, an absolute power over the lives, liberties, and estates of the people; by this breach of trust they forfeit the power the people had put into their hands for quite contrary ends.

John Locke, Second Treatise of Government, 1690

9. From the passage, one may infer that Locke argued that society and its legitimate government held power over the members of society by virtue of

10. Based on the passage, one could argue that Locke was an advocate of

11. From the passage, one may infer that Locke believed a government loses its legitimacy when