AP US History Practice Test 15

Test Information

Question 9 questions

Time 9 minutes

See All test questions

Questions 1-2 refer to the following information.

"I come to present the strong claims of suffering humanity. I come to place before the Legislature of Massachusetts the condition of the miserable, the desolate, the outcast. I come as the advocate of helpless, forgotten, insane and idiotic men and women; of beings, sunk to a condition from which the most unconcerned would start with real horror; of beings wretched in our Prisons, and more wretched in our Alms-Houses. . . .

"If my pictures are displeasing, coarse, and severe, my subjects, it must be recollected, offer no tranquil, refined, or composing features. The condition of human beings, reduced to the extremest states of degradation and misery, cannot be exhibited in softened language, or adorn a polished page.

"I proceed, Gentlemen, briefly to call your attention to the present state of Insane Persons confined within this Commonwealth, in cages, closets, cellars, stalls, pens! Chained, naked, beaten with rods, and lashed into obedience!"

—Dorothea Dix, "Memorial to the Massachusetts Legislature" (1843)

1. Dorothea Dix's testimony to the Massachusetts legislature reflects the influence of which of the following?

2. Dorothea Dix's research and testimony is best understood in the context of

Questions 3-5 refer to the following information.

"I was once a tool of oppression
And as green as a sucker could be
And monopolies banded together
To beat a poor hayseed like me.

"The railroads and old party bosses
Together did sweetly agree;
And they thought there would be little trouble
In working a hayseed like me. . . ."

—"The Hayseed"

3. The song lyrics above would most likely have appeared in

4. Which of the following is an accomplishment of the political movement that was organized around sentiments similar to the one in the song lyrics above?

5. The song, and the movement that it was connected to, highlight which of the following developments in the broader society in the late 1800s?

Questions 6-7 refer to the following information.

"We are men; we have souls, we have passions, we have feelings, we have hopes, we have desires, like any other race in the world. The cry is raised all over the world today of Canada for the Canadians, of America for the Americans, of England for the English, of France for the French, of Germany for the Germans—do you think it is unreasonable that we, the Blacks of the world, should raise the cry of Africa for the Africans?"

—Marcus Garvey, 1920

6. The passage could best be understood as

7. The passage above presents a position in which of the following ongoing debates in American history?

Questions 8-9 refer to the following information.

"But even if southern progressivism included women, was it reserved for whites? The answer is that whites intended for it to be, and it would have been even more racist, more exclusive, and more oppressive if there had been no black women progressives. . . . As much as southern whites plotted to reserve progressivism for themselves, and as much as they schemed to alter the ill-fitting northern version accordingly, they failed. African-American women embraced southern white progressivism, reshaped it, and sent back a new model that included black power brokers and grass roots activists. Evidence of southern African-American progressivism is not to be found in public laws, electoral politics, or the establishment of mothers' aid programs at the state level. It rarely appears in documents that white progressives, male or female, left behind. Since black men could not speak out in politics and black women did not want to be seen, it has remained invisible in virtually every discussion of southern progressivism. Nonetheless, southern black women initiated every progressive reform that southern white women initiated, a feat they accomplished without financial resources, without the civic protection of their husbands, and without publicity."

—Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore, "Diplomatic Women," from Gender and Jim Crow: Women and the Politics of White Supremacy in North Carolina, 1896–1920

(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996)

8. The excerpt above, from the essay by Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore, implies that historians of the Progressive movement have

9. The efforts described in the reading above occurred in the context of